The Common Travel Area: Fragmented, Flexible…Vulnerable?
The Limits to Creativity and Flexibility: Responding to the UK ‘Command Paper’ on the Northern Ireland Protocol
100 Years of Partition: The NI Protocol and the Irish Question
The Brexit Trilemma and Northern Irish Unionists: A very British matter
The UK Command Paper on the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland: Future Relationship à la carte?
Human Rights and the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol
Brexit and Northern Ireland: A role for the US?
The Legality of the Protocol
Continuing Reactive and ‘Own Goal’ Unionism: Time for a more Proactive Strategy
Brexit and the EU’s relations with other European countries
Consent and Compromise
The Northern Ireland Protocol: What next for the Democratic Unionist Party?
Morbid symptoms and the nomination of a new Northern Ireland First Minister
Making the ‘Special Arrangement’ Work: The ‘Good Faith’ Implementation of the Protocol
Belfast/Good Friday Agreement & the Erosion of Trust
An Uneasy Peace: The Protocol = War!
The Northern Ireland Protocol and the Future of the Union
A Year in the Life: Lessons on the Resilience of the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol
“Don’t Mention the Poll”: The Good Friday Agreement and À la Carte Consent
Brexit, Market Adjustment and the Irish Sea
Human Rights and Equality Provisions under the Northern Ireland Protocol
Believe in Britain: The Simple Message that Won Brexit Still Works Wonders for Boris Johnson
Northern Ireland, Brexit & Jumping Scales
Welcome to the Magic World of International Law
Here we go again? The UK’s Unilateral Proposal for the Northern Ireland Protocol
Brexit’s Graceless Diplomacy
From Mutual Trust to Mutual Mistrust: The UK-EU Post-Brexit Relationship
Trade In Goods And Level Playing Field
A new dawn for the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland?
Last-Minute Legislating as the Brexit Deal is Concluded
Lifting the Carpet: the NI Protocol and Cross-border VAT Fraud
Johnson’s ‘Oven Ready’ Brexit is a Slow Burner
The EU-UK Agreement on the Implementation of the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland
The Letter that Lord David Frost, the UK’s Brexit Negotiator, will not Address to the British Public
Taking Stock of What a Joe Biden Presidency Means for Brexit Negotiations
Backstop, Frontstop, Full Stop?
Disruptive Transitioning and the New Political Normal
Boris Johnson’s Brexit Myopia
Retained EU Case Law: A Fourth Option
The Internal Market Bill and Northern Ireland
John Hume and Northern Ireland’s European Space
A Road to Nowhere? The UK’s Approach to Implementing the NI Protocol
Front-Foot Negotiations: The UK’s Proposed Implementation of the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol
The Northern Ireland Protocol: Governing Northern Ireland after Brexit
The UK’s Approach to the Northern Ireland Protocol
22 Years after the Good Friday Agreement: Brexit, Covid-19 and New Governments
The Good Friday Agreement, the Northern Ireland Protocol and Eternal Vigilance
The Good Friday Agreement and Irish Unification: Constitutional Issues
Brexit and Ireland
General Election 2020 – Change and the non Brexit election
Ireland, Brexit, and the 2020 General Elections
Northern Ireland’s ‘New Approach’ in a Decade of Uncertainty
Brexit and Northern Ireland: Pro-Remain Unionists and the Recent Success of the Alliance Party
General Election 2019: The Brexit Election in Northern Ireland?
Brexit as a Constitutional Moment? Reflections from Ireland
Wither Green Brexit? Northern Ireland’s environment and the new Brexit Deal
A Backstop for the Backward?
Brexit and Blockchain Technology
An alternative to the Irish Backstop: an All-Ireland “Common No-Custom Area”
Brexit and the future of Fintech
The Irish Border and the Safeguard of the UK Territorial Integrity
No Deal, No Backstop: The Potential Impact on Northern Ireland
The Common Travel Area and GATS Art. V
Brexit and the Political Economy of Northern Ireland
Facing the Rights and Equality Crisis: Achieving a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland in the wake of Brexit
Brexiting Party Politics in Northern Ireland – Civil Society Alternatives
The Good Friday Agreement and Brexit
Will Brexit Return Northern Ireland to War or Reinforce the Status Quo?
Belated Brexit and Groundhog Talks in Northern Ireland
‘A Beacon to the World’: The Good Friday Agreement at Twenty-One
All-Island Customs Union: No Cure-All for the Irish Border Neither
An alternative to the Irish Backstop? An “All-Ireland Common No-Custom Area” as a Frontier Traffic Area under Art. XXIV GATT for products originating in the island
The Future of the All-island Single Electricity Market Post-Brexit
After a No-Deal Brexit, How Would Scottish Salmon and Northern-Irish Sheep Reach the EU?
Event Report: Brexit, the Backstop and the Island of Ireland
The Irish Backstop Plan: Alternative Routes or Clearer Guarantees?
Defence, Security and Brexit: Ireland’s Dilemma
The Brexit Deal Would Resolve the Irish Border Issue – But No Deal is Still a Possibility!
The Brexit Deal’s Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland and the UK’s ‘Red Lines’
Brexit and the Great Disruption in UK-Irish Relations
Will a Hard Brexit Lead to a Hard Border? WTO Law and the Backstop
Some Reflections on the Current UK and EU Positions on Brexit
The Oireachtas and Brexit
The UK’s White Paper is a Serious Offer: Ireland and the EU Should Give a Flexible Response
Brexit, Ireland and the June European Council
The Implication of a Hard Brexit for the Island of Ireland: Challenges and Possible Solutions
Brexit and the Good Friday Agreement IV
Brexit and the Good Friday Agreement III
Brexit and the Good Friday Agreement II
Transport and Trade Implications of Brexit
Inaugural Event “Brexit, Ireland and the Future of Europe”
On January 25, 2018, the DCU Brexit Institute held its Inaugural event on “Brexit, Ireland and the Future of Europe”, organised in partnership with European Movement Ireland and Dublin City University. The event was opened by a Keynote Address by his Excellency Michael D. Higgins, President of Ireland, followed by keynote speeches by Hillary Benn, Chairman of the UK House of Commons Committee on Exiting the EU, and Herman Van Rompuy, first President of the European Council. After a panel of academics and representatives of civil society, the event will be concluded by a final Keynote Address by Simon Coveney, Tánaiste and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade.
Brexit and the British-Irish Relationship
The British-Irish relationship has been typified by close cooperation since the 1980s, culminating in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. However, Brexit has created challenges and at times the rhetoric between the British and Irish governments has been heated. It was in response to the perceived need to avoid megaphone diplomacy in the 1980s, following the 1982 Falklands War and the 1981 H-Block hunger strikes where 13 hunger strikers died, that the British-Irish relationship was institutionalised in the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement. Arguably, Brexit’s challenges justify a commitment to using existing British-Irish institutions more fully or to creating new ones.
Public Procurement and Brexit: The Risk to Ireland
Public procurement refers to the purchase of goods, works and services by the public sector (and organizations funded in the main through public monies).
In Ireland, as undoubtedly in many other countries, interest in public procurement appears to be inversely related to the fortunes of the economy. In times of economic prosperity the procurement of goods and services by public sector organizations has tended not to be a primary consideration for politicians, policy makers or industry representative groups. However, in recent years public procurement has moved center stage for both the public and private sectors of the economy. For central government, the strategic management of procurement across the public sector has assumed priority status. Expenditure by public sector organizations on a range of goods and services is coming under increasing scrutiny with a view to realizing cost savings.
Sufficient Progress? Ireland’s Brexit Conundrum
Next week, on 14-15 December 2017 the European Council is set to decide whether sufficient progress has been made in the negotiations on the UK withdrawal from the EU to begin a discussion on the terms of the future relations between the UK and the EU. As is well known, the European Council concluded in October 2017 that, given the uncertainties of the UK Government, not enough progress had taken place by then in the negotiations and that therefore the beginning of phase 2 in the Brexit talks had to be postponed.
Brexit and the Harmonisation of Corporate Tax
On the 4th October 2017, the European Commission referred Ireland to the European Court of Justice (ECJ) for failing to collect tax debts from Apple, following a Commission decision deeming the tax reliefs provided amounted to a breach of EU Competition Law. Ireland allowed Apple to pay between 0.05% and 2% in tax from 2003 to 2014, which, according to the Commission, amounted to up to €13 billion in illegal state aid. Luxembourg was also referred to the ECJ, after giving Amazon €250 million in tax breaks was also deemed to be illegal state aid. Neither country collected the debt, resulting in the recent referrals, and Ireland has appealed the decision to the ECJ.
Workshop on Brexit, the Border and the Internal Market
The DCU Brexit Institute hosted an event on “Brexit, the Border and the Internal Market” on 26 October 2017, supported by the European Commission Representation in Ireland. The event addressed the issue of the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, which is arguably the most sensitive of the three items in the withdrawal negotiations, and considered also questions concerning the access by the UK to the EU internal market post Brexit.
Brexit and the Irish Border
The question of the location of the de facto border between Ireland and the UK post Brexit has major significance for the future of peace and economic stability on the island of Ireland.
The issue of the border has not yet been resolved, nor is there any indication that there is an obvious preferred solution for the UK Government, although both the EU and the Irish Government and indeed the UK Government have stated a disinclination for a hard land border. It is feared that a hard land border will not only restrict trade on the island but also, and more importantly, destabilize the Good Friday peace process and lead to a new spiral of violence. This gloomy prediction is reinforced by the nature of the political division in Northern Ireland on the referendum.